This study is a qualitative examination of the educational and employment experiences of 50 young Bangladeshi men in East London and Birmingham. The research covers Bangladeshi young men aged 16-24 at the least qualified end of the attainments spectrum, 30 from London and 20 from Birmingham. The experiences of these young men, reproduced in their own words from tape-recorded interviews, adds an extra qualitative dimension to existing research on the educational and employment attainments of ethnic minorities. The research also draws upon 1991 Census data to provide a new statistical analysis of the Bangladeshi population in the UK.

2.     The Census data

The Census revealed that there were 162,835 Bangladeshi people resident in Great Britain, representing 0.3 per cent of the population. Bangladeshis are shown to be the most youthful of all the Census ethnic groups, and its members tended to suffer the highest levels of unemployment, poorest housing conditions and worst levels of educational attainment and health. Bangladeshi-headed households had on average more than twice as many residents as white-headed households in 1991. This was largely due to the greater number of dependent children in Bangladeshi-headed households, but there were also more adult residents in Bangladeshi than white households, such as elderly relatives. Nearly half of Bangladeshi-headed households lived in overcrowded conditions (i.e. more than one person per room).

The percentage of pre-school age children was twice as high for the Bangladeshi ethnic group as for white people. While an eighth of white people were of compulsory school age (5-15), nearly a third of Bangladeshi people fell into this age range. The share of people of younger working age (16-24) was also higher in the Bangladeshi than the white ethnic group. The Census data marks this age group as one set to expand considerably during the 1990s.

In Tower Hamlets, the area of largest Bangladeshi population in Britain, Bangladeshis formed 22.9 per cent of the population in 1991. The implication of the age structure in 1991 was that the number of young people entering the labour market was set to increase substantially in percentage terms during the 1990s. In the absence of migration and other population changes, the Bangladeshi share of the 16-24 year old population would increase by 65 per cent by 1996, while the white share of this age group would fall by 39 per cent.

Analysis of the 1991 Census data for the UK shows that the percentage of young Bangladeshi men in full-time education was higher than that for young white men throughout the 16-29 age range. However, a very low percentage of 18-29 year olds achieved higher qualifications. It was suggested that this partly results from many younger people not having completed their education, but may also reflect general difficulties experienced within the British education and training system.

3.     The interviews: education

Unlike in many studies of working class male culture and school, the young men in this study showed no evidence of a 'culture of opposition' to school. Habitual truancy was low, although about a third admitted to doing this at some time in their school lives. However, one recurring theme in this sample of 'low achievers' was strong regret that they had not applied themselves more whilst at school. They wished that they had been pushed harder, and in retrospect they felt that many teachers had abandoned them too soon, implicitly writing them off as 'no-hopers' because of their ethnic background.

Those who had left school at minimum age without any qualifications were more likely to have experienced a prolonged visit to Bangladesh at some time in their school lives, and in some cases this was seen to contribute to poor school performance. However, in other cases the relationship was the other way round: the child was taken back to Bangladesh precisely because he was seen by his parents as not doing well in school. It was hoped that some exposure to the Bangladeshi educational system or home culture might produce an improvement in motivation or performance in school. In general, informants talked of the immensely strong parental support they received in their education, confirming the very high value Bangladeshi parents place on their young people's schooling.

The young men in this study were divided in their attitudes to Youth Training (YT). The older members of the sample, both in London and Birmingham, generally talked in negative terms about YT, although it may be that these views were based as much on hearsay as on direct experience. Younger members of the sample, particularly those from London were more positive about their experience of YT, and they believed it could help them find relevant employment after completing the course. In Birmingham, however, even the younger members of the sample tended to prefer to take casual employment rather than go on to YT.

Barriers to educational achievement

There were seen to be three particular barriers to educational achievement. One was the lack of English language amongst parents which meant that they could not give practical guidance with homework, and led to serious problems of liaison with schools. Second, serious over crowding in the home could make it difficult for young people to carry out their homework. Third, relative poverty meant that there was pressure on some of the sample to leave school and start working as soon as they could in order to help with the family's financial problems.

One third of the sample reported experiencing racial harassment at school by other pupils, particularly when Bangladeshis were in a real minority at school. Whilst some pupils were able to ride above this, many others clearly had their school years blighted and their educational achievement severely undermined by this factor. Racial harassment was one reason for the fact that respondents preferred to be in groups of their peers, both in school and when walking the streets. They did this for protection and sociability, and did not see themselves as being in 'gangs', although they were conscious that others tended to see them as such.

In general, with regard to the issue of underachievement, this research confirms the danger of over-emphasising those factors of ethnicity and culture intrinsic to the Bangladeshi population, without recognising how these interact with, and are sometimes amplified by, factors such as stereotyping and racism within schools, poverty, poor housing and educational infrastructure, and other unsympathetic aspects of the local environment.

4. The interviews: employment

The Census showed that Bangladeshi people experienced extremely high unemployment rates in 1991, with a male unemployment rate nearly three times the corresponding figure for white men. However, although higher than for white young men, the unemployment rate for young Bangladeshi men was much lower than that faced by older Bangladeshi men. The Census data confirmed the findings of other data on the relatively narrow distribution of Bangladeshis across employment, with nearly two thirds of Bangladeshi men working in the 'distribution' sector, (which covers restaurants and retailing). This concentration was even more exaggerated for young men, nearly four-fifths of whom were in this sector. Young men were also much more likely to be in part-time employment, and were extremely segregated into 'personal service' occupations, which include workers in the restaurant trades. All this is consistent with the findings from this research on the significance of the restaurant industry for Bangladeshi young men.

The restaurant industry

One third of the sample were in work, and roughly half of these worked in the restaurant trade. Furthermore, of those who were still in full-time education, about half were also working part-time in restaurants. The picture of the restaurant industry that comes over from the interviews is one of typical employment for lower qualified Bangladeshi young men. The work is low paid, insecure and casualised, with long hours and often cash-in-hand payment. The industry would seem to represent a valuable option for members of a new and relatively poor community of migrant origin, offering work in the locality amongst people of the same linguistic and cultural background, and enabling people without qualifications or without knowledge of the English language to gain paid work. However, there are contradictions in this which informants recognise. They describe the restaurant industry as a 'mixed blessing', and are aware of the paradoxes and dangers in its existence. It may well be a community 'safety net', but it was also recognised that if a young man spent too much time within this industry it then became harder to move on elsewhere into more mainstream employment.

Some findings relating to this young sample proved different to those of previous studies. Earlier research had found a relatively high degree of job satisfaction among Bangladeshi workers, and little experience of discrimination, mainly because they worked for Bangladeshi employers. The generation represented in this sample, whilst still over-represented in the same limited occupational areas, were not generally ÒsatisfiedÓ with their employment. They recognised that their work was temporary, insecure and poorly paid, with no promotion structure. The young men in this sample were also far more concerned about racism and discrimination, precisely because many did not intend to keep their horizons low, as the previous generation had done.

The effects of racism

The research sample remains disproportionately employed within the geographical locality of the Bangladeshi community itself, and respondents were well aware that some local white areas are closed to them because of the likelihood of racist attack. One stated reason for getting employment in restaurants is that they won't experience racism there. All this enhances the value of their traditional way of finding work and opportunities - through word of mouth and networks. However, the over-representation of Bangladeshi employment within their own community does not mean that they are geographically restricted. They are not an immobile workforce. The young men were highly motivated to find work, and many of those in the London sample were travelling to take jobs in Kent, Birmingham and Swansea. Significantly, however, in these far-away places they were still working within the Bangladeshi communities.

There is a feeling within the community that people are denied opportunities because of racism. Although the young men in the sample had very little experience in working within white businesses, the attitude persists that they will have extra difficulties in the mainstream labour market. Some local white collar employment in surrounding areas is effectively closed to them, in the sense that they feel that they are not expected to apply. In London the young men are likely to ignore employment possibilities in the City and Docklands area, and in Birmingham they will avoid the white suburbs.

5. Conclusions

The occupational and geographical concentrations so clearly demonstrated in statistics give the impression of a Bangladeshi community which is tradition-bound and inward looking. However, what looks like 'isolation' from outside is the external reflection of a community which operates as a supportive network, without which its members would have a far lower quality of life. This was openly recognised by respondents, who saw their close family structures as an advantage in adversity that many in other communities were not able to draw upon. Furthermore, in contrast to the commonly held view that to be 'between two cultures' is a handicap which contributes to some sort of community 'deficiency', the respondents were more likely to emphasise the positive side of this. Those young men who were born in, and spent part of their childhood in Bangladesh felt that they were better off than those of their peers who were born in the UK and who therefore were unable to draw on a broader range of cultural resources.

There is evidence from this study that the 'isolation' of the Bangladeshi community is being partially eroded by the new generation, who are becoming more comfortable and confident with British culture and the mainstream economy. They do not see themselves as going to work in the same ghettoised areas of employment that their fathers did. There is a distinct generation gap between this generation and their fathers. The men who were the first Bangladeshi migrants in the 1960s married late and now there is often a considerable age gap between them and their children. At the same time the new generation are not breaking with the community, in that they still want to work in occupations related to its needs. They do not set their sights on the white collar jobs in the surrounding areas. Instead the new careers they aim for are often those of public sector professionals related to the needs of their local community - social service, health and youth workers, or in trades which have the Bangladeshi community as clients.

Biographical Notes

John Wrench is Principal Research Fellow jointly at the Centre for Research in Ethnic Relations, University of Warwick and at the Danish Centre for Migration and Ethnic Studies, South Jutland University Centre. He has researched and published widely in the fields of equal opportunities, racism and discrimination in the labour market. Recent publications include Racism and Migration in Western Europe (Berg, 1993; edited with John Solomos) and Preventing Racism at the Workplace: A report on 16 European Countries published by the European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions in 1996.

Tarek Qureshi is Policy Officer with the Centre for Policy on Ageing. He was employed as a research fellow at the Centre for Research in Ethnic Relations for the duration of this project. Before that he had gained relevant experience working in a number of research projects covering the geographical areas of the Isle of Dogs and East London, including a study on the effectiveness of anti-harassment procedures in combating racial violence on council estates.

David Owen is Senior Research Fellow at the Centre for Research in Ethnic Relations, University of Warwick. He is currently responsible for running the National Ethnic Minority Data Archive (NEMDA). He has published numerous articles analysing local labour markets and migration patterns. Recent publications include Ethnic Minority Women and the Labour Market: Analysis of the 1991 Census (Equal Opportunities Commission, 1994) and a series of ten statistical papers analysing data on ethnic minorities from the 1991 Census.

The Department for Education and Employment undertakes research to help achieve its aim of supporting economic growth by promoting a competitive, efficient and flexible labour market.
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Higher Horizons: A Qualitative Study of Young Men of Bangladeshi Origin
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