This study is a qualitative examination of the educational and employment experiences of 50 young Afro-Caribbean men in the West Midlands, half of the respondents coming from Coventry, and half from Birmingham. The experiences of these young men, reproduced in their own words from tape-recorded interviews, adds an extra qualitative dimension to existing research on the educational and employment attainments of ethnic minorities.

The research is different from previous ethnographic classroom-based studies in that it focuses on young black men in the years immediately following their schooling, offering the possibility of greater insights into the relationship between education and post-school experiences. It covers Afro-Caribbean young men aged 16-24 at the least qualified end of the attainments spectrum, a group which is likely to have been under-represented in previous research. The research also draws upon 1991 Census data to provide a new statistical analysis of the Afro-Caribbean population in the UK.

2     The Census data

The Census data shows that the number of Afro-Caribbean entrants to the labour market will rise markedly at the end of this decade and the start of the next, and that the number of Afro-Caribbean secondary school children will increase substantially at the end of this decade, but will thereafter probably decline sharply.

Caribbean people experienced unemployment rates about two and a half times greater than those of white people in 1991. The male unemployment rate was 24.3 per cent, compared with 10.7 per cent for white men, while the unemployment rate for Afro-Caribbean women was 14.6 per cent, compared with 6.3 per cent of white women unemployed. Afro-Caribbean people were also about twice as likely as white people to be participating in government training schemes. The unemployment rate for young Afro-Caribbean men was much higher than that faced by older men, since more than a third of all men aged 16-24 were unemployed, and the highest unemployment rate (42.5 per cent) was faced by 18-19 year olds. A further 22.1 per cent of economically active 16-17 year olds were on schemes, illustrating their importance in moderating the chance of unemployment for young men experiencing the transition from school to work.

While two-thirds of economically inactive 20-24 year olds were full-time students, 14.3 per cent were categorised as other inactive, which may indicate the emergence of disillusionment with the labour market among young men facing extremely high unemployment rates.

3     The interviews: education

A recurring theme in the interviews was that of regret that respondents had not applied themselves more diligently during their school days. Many looked back with bitterness that their education had not equipped them for what they wanted to do in life. Just over a half of the sample - 26 out of 50 - reported that they had truanted at some time in their school years. Most reported that this occurred very irregularly and selectively, to avoid particular classes or teachers whom they felt were hostile to them.

Many respondents lamented the absence of subjects of particular relevance to black people in the school curriculum, and for some this formed part of their alienation from school. All of the complaints were about the subject of history or religious education. Therefore, many were 'turned off' these subjects, and this in itself could lead to truancy. Some engaged themselves in research with books and videos, to fill the gaps in their knowledge.

Conflicts with teachers

Unlike in many previous studies of the school experiences of ethnic minorities, these Afro-Caribbean respondents had relatively little to say about racism and harassment from other pupils. However, they complained a great deal about the problems they encountered in their relationships with teachers. Respondents remembered their school days in terms of great unfairness and injustice. Criticisms included suspicions of stereotyping and its effect on subject and examination choices, arbitrary physical and verbal abuse, periods of temporary exclusion, and finally permanent expulsion, mostly interpreted by respondents as being unjustified. A common theme among respondents was how when they gained the confidence to begin to resist what they perceived as unfair treatment, this often brought them further problems, in a vicious circle of resistance and reaction with the teaching staff. It was felt that many black youths went through the same experience: as one put it: "All it takes is the first bit of conflict you have with a teacher, and then you get labelled, and throughout all of the school you are seen as a troublemaker".

The problem of exclusion

These conflicts would frequently escalate into exclusion from school, often with disastrous effects on the child's education, and subsequent employment prospects. Twenty out of 50 respondents - 40% of the sample - had been excluded from school at some time, and 11 of these - 22% of the sample - had been permanently excluded. Although some admitted that their exclusion had been deserved, far more were adamant that they had suffered injustice, and had a strong sense of grievance. Expulsions were said to be for misdemeanours such as fighting, swearing, being cheeky to teachers, or for failing to get a haircut.

4     The interviews: employment

One of the most striking characteristics of the sample was the high level of unemployment. This is a descriptive characteristic of the sample, not unexpected, as the sample consists only of young men from the least qualified end of the attainments spectrum. At the time of the interviews, 34 respondents (68% of the sample) were unemployed. Forty four per cent of the unemployed had been out of work for four years or more. Only two of the unemployed had any previous experience of full-time work, although ten of the unemployed had previously been on Youth Training.

In contrast to the satisfaction generally expressed by the minority of the sample who were in work, those who were unemployed were more likely to be disillusioned, and to feel that their self-respect had been undermined. Unemployment could lead to difficulties mixing with friends who have jobs, and to increased social isolation.

Looking for work

Out of the 34 in the sample who were unemployed, 28 were actively seeking work. The most frequently-used method of job-seeking was the use of the Job Centre. Almost fifty per cent of job seekers continued to visit Job Centres and most saw it as their main method of finding work. Despite this, only 15 per cent of respondents who used them were optimistic that they might lead on to other activities, such as training or getting interviews. Of those looking for work, 46 per cent stated that they had applied, on average, to one or more jobs a fortnight during the previous six months. Eighteen per cent of those looking for work had applied more frequently than this, i.e. once or twice a week. Those who had only recently left school were more optimistic about their chances of finding work. However, after time, disillusion sets in and expectations of finding work become modified. Nearly all the unemployed respondents who had been out of school six months or longer stated that they found getting a job much harder than they had previously thought.

Out of 34 people in the sample who were unemployed, six (18%) were not looking for work. This group had become disillusioned with their chances of finding work after years of trying, and all of these were aged 20 years or older.

Training schemes

Thirteen respondents had experience of YTS or YT. Ten of these were now unemployed, two were in work and one still on YT at the time of the interview. Generally speaking, YT evoked a negative image. Most common were the views that the schemes did not provide enough of a challenge to trainees, and that the remuneration was so low as to be almost an insult. Respondents expressed a preference for and willingness to undergo training if it was 'proper' learning, paying a wage, and most importantly leading to a full-time job. Training schemes were not seen to do this.

Perceptions of racism

Respondents were asked if there were parts of the city or country they would prefer not to take work in. There was a widespread awareness that certain areas were best avoided because black people were not welcome there. These were the affluent white areas beyond the suburbs, or nearby white working class areas.

Respondents sometimes reported suspicions that they had been rejected at job interviews on grounds of colour. For example, they were not made to feel comfortable at an interview; were not offered the job even when they had been told someone was wanted urgently for it; or were not given a proper interview after a visibly surprised interviewer had first met them. They might find that qualifications were suddenly needed for a job when previously none had been stipulated; or that a promise to ring them back was not kept.

5     Conclusions

The young men in this sample, with hindsight and greater maturity, now look back at their school days with regret as to what they did not achieve, and how this has now made it so much more difficult for them in the labour market. They still had a desire to 'get on' and achieve something, and, given their low attainments so far and the difficulties they were experiencing, they were surprisingly ambitious, with a continuing determination to counter their earlier setbacks by proving themselves, either at college, or in the job market. At the same time they had a strong sense of pride and a desire for respect, and would therefore choose to remain unemployed rather than tolerate racist practices or demeaning work.

Therefore these low-achieving Afro-Caribbean young men are not to be seen as the rump of a disaffected and unemployable sub-culture on their way to forming the nucleus of a new underclass. In many ways they still hold the positive values and high aspirations to be expected from the second and third generation of an ambitious migrant population. Having said this, a caveat to this observation is that the upper age limit of the subjects of this research was 24, and those in the sample who were the most disillusioned were the older ones who had experienced years of rejected job applications. Therefore, it could well be that as the young men in this study grow older, their ambition and relative optimism may change.

Biographical Notes

John Wrench is Principal Research Fellow jointly at the Centre for Research in Ethnic Relations, University of Warwick and at the Danish Centre for Migration and Ethnic Studies, South Jutland University Centre. He has researched and published widely in the fields of equal opportunities, racism and discrimination in the labour market. Recent publications include Racism and Migration in Western Europe (Berg, 1993; edited with John Solomos) and Preventing Racism at the Workplace: A report on 16 European Countries published by the European Foundation for the Improvement of Living and Working Conditions in 1996.

Edgar Hassan is a Research Fellow with the Open University, studying the educational experiences of Afro-Caribbean pupils with particular reference to processes of exclusion from school. He was employed as a researcher at the Centre for Research in Ethnic Relations for the duration of this project.

David Owen is Senior Research Fellow at the Centre for Research in Ethnic Relations, University of Warwick. He is currently responsible for running the National Ethnic Minority Data Archive (NEMDA). He has published numerous articles analysing local labour markets and migration patterns. Recent publications include Ethnic Minority Women and the Labour Market: Analysis of the 1991 Census (Equal Opportunities Commission, 1994) and a series of ten statistical papers analysing data on ethnic minorities from the 1991 Census.

The Department for Education and Employment undertakes research to help achieve its aim of supporting economic growth by promoting a competitive, efficient and flexible labour market.
Research Briefs summarise key findings from reports that are published in the Department's Research Series.

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Ambition and Marginalisation: A Qualitative Study of Under-Achieving Young men of Afro-Caribbean Origin
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